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        Models Of Guidance Assignment: Winter 1997.
                
        Diploma in Careers Guidance, College of Guidance Studies, Swanley.
        
	  Cole Davis
        
	  
        "......careers  education  and  guidance  is  receiving   greater 
        public-policy attention in the UK than ever before.  This  offers 
        new  opportunities but also new threats.  There is a danger  that 
        development will be narrowly policy-focused, and will lose  touch 
        with the field's theoretical roots.  Theory, policy and  practice 
        are  mutually  dependent: each is  impoverished  without  fertile 
        links with the others." 
        Watts,  A.G.,  Law, B., Killeen, J, Kidd, J.M. and  Hawthorn,  R.  
        (1996)  Preface  to Rethinking careers  education  and  guidance.  
        London: Routledge.
        
        Evaluate this statement and discuss the relationship of  guidance 
        models to theory, in order to provide evidence of how this mutual 
        dependency can be achieved in practice.
        
        
          
           Policy and practice in careers education and guidance are  now 
        closely  linked,  given  the impact of  unemployment  and  socio-
        economic   change.   It  should  not  be  surprising   in   these 
        circumstances  that theories should have a diminished  role.   It 
        could  be argued, however, that one, opportunity structures,  has 
        thrived  in  the short term at the expense of  the  others.   The 
        gauging  of  the  relationships  between  theories,  policy   and 
        practice  will  be  the primary  focus  here.   The  relationship 
        between  guidance  models and their underlying theories  will  be 
        discussed  in  concluding, as this may form  an  explanation  for 
        career  advisers' relative ignorance or lack of concern  for  the 
        models supposedly guiding their practice (Kidd, et al, 1994).
        
           Over  more  than two decades, youth   unemployment  has  risen 
        dramatically.   The climate of   technological change and  global 
        competition  has  affected the nature of available  jobs.   Clear 
        strategies  are necessary to assist young people in  adapting  to 
        these new circumstances.  Careers education, therefore, has  been 
        promoted,  particularly within schools, as a means of  developing 
        knowledge  and skills to gain access to education,  training  and 
        employment  in  ways  which are both realistic  and  relevant  to 
        personal  abilities  and  aspirations.   This  should  provide  a 
        foundation for careers guidance: a range of activities to  assist 
        individuals in the pursuit of such aims and in the development of 
        self-awareness  as  a necessary precondition  for  progress  and, 
        arguably, as an end in itself.
        
           As  well  as increased attention and  financial  support,  the 
        concern of policymakers about the importance of careers education 
        and   guidance   has  led  to  closer   scrutiny   of   outcomes.  
        Evaluations,  however,  are often created within  the  prevailing 
        management  models (e.g. Total Quality Management), which are  in 
        turn  founded  within  the dominant  economic  zeitgeist.   Watts 
        (1996)  cites  two governmental policy aims,  social  equity  and 
        economic  efficiency, as well as the promotion of a  quasi-market 
        approach  to  the  running of careers services.   A  conflict  in 
        emphasis  should be expected, therefore, when models of  guidance 
        are considered.
        
           Various  models inform practice.   Trait-factor  assumes  that 
        there  are  measurable  and  practical  significant   differences 
        between people suited to different occupations; that well-adapted 
        individuals   within  an  occupation  would  be  seen  to   share 
        psychological characteristics; that individual differences  would 
        interact significantly with occupational differences, and -  most 
        crucially  here  - that job and person characteristics  would  be 
        consistent enough to predict long term outcomes (Rounds & Tracey, 
        1990).  This developed into a congruence model within a theory of 
        'person-environment  fit': individuals would seek out and  create 
        environments  that  allowed  for their  idiosyncrasies  within  a 
        reciprocal  process  (Holland,  1973).   Most  obvious  practical 
        extensions are computer assisted guidance and psychometric tests.  
        The  latter  tend to be very much associated with  the  perceived 
        weaknesses   of  this  scientifically  supported  model:  it   is 
        perceived   to   be  mechanistic  and  divorced   from   clients' 
        individuality.  Within guidance models, such prescriptiveness was 
        also seen to be embodied within Rodger's Seven-point plan.
        
           Developmental   models  are  perceived  as  more  attuned   to 
        individual  needs.  Key  developmental  tasks  are  achieved   at 
        particular  stages as part of the evolution of  career  maturity.  
        Given  the  general  expectations of 'stages', this  is  still  a 
        nomothetic   and   arguably  self-perpetuating   approach.     In 
        practical terms, transitions and interventions should occur  when 
        the individual is ready for them.
        
           One developmental application is DOTS, an analysis method  for 
        training.   Kidd  (1996) cites the FIRST model for  training  and 
        Super's  life-career  rainbow  (1980)  as  a  possible   guidance 
        application.  Super's self-concept theory, however, would  appear 
        to  have  greater  relevance to more able young  people  than  to 
        others  (Kidd,  1984)  and its  attempt  at  being  comprehensive 
        renders it too complex to be of practical use (Yost & Corbishley, 
        1987).    There  is also very little research  support  for  such 
        ideas as adolescent turmoil, stress and identity crises (Coleman, 
        1992). 
        
           Client-centred  models  base  themselves  on  Rogers'  client-
        centred counselling (1942) and Kelly's personal construct  theory 
        (1955).   Both  are  idiographic  (as  opposed  to   nomothetic), 
        stressing  the  ability  of  the person  to  make  conscious  and 
        responsible  decisions,  and,  in  Kelly's  case,  to   construct 
        reality.   Kelly's  approach, using repertory  grids  to  examine 
        bipolar  'constructs' of reality, is rarely used because  of  the 
        prohibitive  amount of time taken creating the grids and  limited 
        numbers  of  clients  who  would benefit  from  such  a  cerebral 
        approach.   Rogers'  approach centres on the  emotional  and  the 
        immediate;  embodied  within the approach  are  practical  skills 
        which are widely applied in guidance and in counselling, often as 
        part of an eclectic process  model.  
        
           One  such  process model is Egan's  'skilled  helper'  (1990), 
        which  itself  fuels the 'Swanley Model' (Fielding  and  Vautier, 
        1994).   Under  the category 'goal-directed', Kidd  (1996)  cites 
        Egan's   model  alongside  social  learning   and   interpersonal 
        interaction  models.   Being rarely applied (Kidd et  al,  1994), 
        these latter models will not concern us further.
        
           More  of  a socio-economic approach is taken  by  Ken  Roberts 
        (1977).   Occupational  choice being ephemeral in  comparison  to 
        shaping  factors  such as market forces and  parental  influence, 
        careers  guidance  has a circumscribed role as  a  lubricant  for 
        access to the labour market.  
        
           Considering  opportunity structures as the dominant  paradigm, 
        "though  possibly  only for the time being",   he  describes  his 
        theory's impact upon policy and practice.
        
             "It  is  rarely possible to attribute  specific  policy 
             effects    to   particular   research   projects    and 
             publications.  My arguments could hardly have  lessened 
             careers  guidance's difficulties in  gaining  increased 
             public funding.  They could also have contributed to the 
             political  pressure for guidance to pay less  attention 
             to  individuals'  own  interests  and  inclinations  in 
             preference  to  presenting  the  realities  of   labour 
             markets.    Devolving  careers  guidance   budgets   to 
             employer-dominated Training and Enterprise Councils  is 
             likely to amplify these pressures.
        
                "I  can  speak  even  more  confidently  about   the 
             opportunity  structure theory's influence on  research.  
             The  emphasis  in studies during the 1980s was  not  on 
             young  people's choices but on how their  opportunities 
             varied  by sex, race, educational attainments  and,  in 
             particular, where they lived.      (Roberts, 1993)

        And yet more money is being placed into guidance, by the  British 
        government  and  by the European Social Fund.  This  may  reflect 
        confidence  in  the  careers  service  as  labour  exchange;  the 
        writer's  experience  on  work placement  was  that  considerable 
        effort  was  spent  upon  processing  availability  of  jobs  and 
        training  schemes, in parallel with the Jobcentre.   Funding  may 
        have  been  stimulated by evaluation studies citing  "modest  but 
        significant" learning outcomes (Killeen & Kidd, 1991).   Practice 
        here (hopefully) influences policy-makers.
        
           Other  theories have had less success in  informing  practice.  
        Many careers advisers seem only dimly aware of theoretical models 
        or  dismissive  of  their value.   One  questionnaire  survey  of 
        careers  officers (Kidd et al, 1994) indicates that the  training 
        of  practitioners may be a determinant.  Theories may be used  to 
        support skills rather than to determine them, their  implications 
        may not always be explained, or they may be applied according  to 
        client groups or students' preferences.   Practitioners may  just 
        fail to recall theory, of course (one adviser trained at  Swanley 
        claimed  on  the  writer's placement to be  using  the  eponymous 
        model;  it would appear to have evolved in the using!)  They  may 
        also claim that theory is of limited relevance.
        
           One operational manager interviewed by the writer claimed that 
        the  company's practice was person-centred, meaning in this  case 
        that  it  followed  the needs of the client.  This  does  not  in 
        itself,  however, prescribe any particular course of action.   In 
        discussing  theories in more depth, the manager claimed  that  no 
        one theory worked in practice and that therefore eclecticism  was 
        practised.   Given the lack of coherent  explanation,  subjective 
        judgement and personal preference seem to be the order of the day 
        rather than the systematic 'technical eclecticism' recommended by 
        Lazarus  (1989),  which  is "grounded in  research  ...  open  to 
        verification  and disproof ... [and] is not  anti-theoretical  or 
        atheoretical."
       
           The  fate  of the trait-factor model  is  equally  instructive 
        about  essentially atheoretical practice.  Almost all  interviews 
        observed  by  the writer on placement contained  an  estimate  of 
        clients'  abilities in order to consider the realism of  proposed 
        career  and training decisions.  At secondary schools,  teachers' 
        predictions  were  the instruments of  assessment.   While  large 
        numbers  of  predicted GCSE A grades, or very  low  grades,  were 
        probably   reliable   measures  for   gauging   likely   academic 
        attainment,  students  with middling results were  probably  ill-
        served.   In  any  event,  tests  were  never  used  to   examine 
        differential  abilities or aptitudes; interest  inventories  were 
        never  used to stimulate those with little direction (and in  one 
        school, the careers computer lay unused).
        
           Three  theoretically  based explanations all  seem  plausible: 
        process models predominated; some practitioners had an  antipathy 
        towards  trait-factor  models;  and  others  did  not   recognise 
        assessment activities' existence within their interviews.  Policy 
        also  affected practice, however: the European Social  Fund  paid 
        for  the  company to train practitioners to Level  A,  but  after 
        funding  was discontinued, testing was only performed  when  paid 
        for, regardless of need.  Even the general sense of being person-
        centred was insufficient to justify usage without funding.
        
           The  effectiveness of policy is most obvious when  applied  to 
        careers  education  in schools and the provision of  guidance  in 
        further education.  Integration into the school curriculum is now 
        a  statutory requirement (Law, 1996); F.E.F.C. funding is  linked 
        to the provision of assessment and guidance on entry, during, and 
        on  exit  for further education courses (Hawthorn, 1996).   In  a 
        general  way,  developmental theory may be  in  evidence.   
        
           Competition   and   limited   resources   circumscribe    such 
        initiatives,  however.   Individualised careers  education  seems 
        particularly problematic in practice.
        
           Practice has informed policy, through feedback, in the area of 
        action plans.  As summaries of action, these had been integral to 
        guidance  as  a means of evaluation.  The  practice  of  counting 
        action  plans,  attached  to funding, part of  the  economic  and 
        management  ethos  referred  to hitherto,  necessitates  a  large 
        number  of  time-controlled interviews and an  emphasis  on  very 
        clear   directional  decisions  at  the  end  of  any   claimable 
        intervention.   This is anathema to developmental  models,  which 
        require the readiness of individuals to make decisions (including 
        thinking  time).  Practitioners' opinions would  appear  to  have 
        filtered back and the system is under review.
        
           Such  feedback has not modified models of guidance, where  the 
        links  appear  to be least fertile.   As  suggested  by  research 
        (Kidd  et  al,  1994)  and by the  writer's  experience  on  work 
        placements, unsystematic eclecticism or personalised  integration 
        seem to be common practice.  Practice is likely to be as good  as 
        the  personal qualities of the practitioner, who may well  follow 
        the style most likely to produce smooth interviews.

           Process  models,  using  Rogerian techniques,  are  likely  to 
        produce  this effect.  The client may feel listened to  and  even 
        cared  for.   Whilst  this may be a  precondition  for  effective 
        guidance,  this  does  not ensure a suitable  direction  or  even 
        adequate consideration of an individual's circumstances. 
        
           There  may be varying explanations for this process  dominance 
        in  the  teaching  of guidance.   More  content-based  models  of 
        guidance  may  be  seen  as  competing,  with  tutor  or  student 
        preferences leading to ill-judged victories.  Practice placements 
        may  teach  the application of different  theories  to  different 
        situations,  but funding policies mean that most are  ignored  in 
        practice.
        
           It  is suggested here that the reason why no one  model  would 
        appear  to work well is because of the relationship  between  the 
        models  and  the  underlying  theory.  Models  of  guidance  are, 
        understandably, simplified applications of theories.  
        
           The  widespread  Rogerian  techniques may carry  with  them  a 
        largely  irrelevant  therapeutic  underpinning.   Without   other 
        clearly  defined  theories  in play, a  process  may  become  the 
        theoretical basis for career interventions.
        
           Such a problem is reflected in the general disregard of trait-
        factor  theory.  Here again, views of process obscure the  nature 
        of  the  theory.   Its lack of popularity  comes  from  students' 
        understanding of a mechanistic seven-point plan and the  hangover 
        from 1970s criticisms of psychometrics. 
        
         Developmental models are either inapplicable in isolation or too 
        complex  for  practical use (e.g.  Super's  Life-Career  Rainbow, 
        1980).     Opportunity  structures  is  widely  applied  but   by 
        definition does not focus on individual needs and aspirations.
        
           Whilst  continuous  professional development  may  answer  the 
        tendency of practitioners to drift away from their training, this 
        may  be  a  poor  stratagem if the source   is  flawed.    A  new 
        integrated   model  of  guidance  is  suggested  to   draw   more 
        effectively from relevant theories.  
        
           Person-centred  or  process models may retain their  usage  as 
        sets   of  techniques  or  parameters  for  the   conducting   of 
        interviews.    Within  interviews,  however,  assessment  -   via 
        interviews  or tools as appropriate (e.g. qualifications  may  be 
        used  to measure attainment) - should be a clear  and  recognised 
        priority for gauging levels and direction.  
        
           Trait-factor  theory,  therefore,  should be  central  to  the 
        teaching of guidance, concentrating on the nature of  attributes; 
        tests and computer aided guidance should not be seen by  students 
        as disparate elements of guidance.
      
           Developmentalism  and  opportunity  structures  would   inform 
        practice  and  should come to the fore when this  suits  clients' 
        individual  needs.  It may, however, be misleading  to  introduce 
        them as central theories for potential application to interviews; 
        their  value  is  in training practitioners in  the  context  and 
        complexities of practice.
        
           A clearer approach to theories and their respective values  is 
        required.   The  models of guidance derived from  them  may  then 
        interact   more  positively  with  policy,  currently  the   most 
        influential factor.
        
      
                                   REFERENCES
        
               
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